POLITICAL PARTIES
In the late 1960s, political parties are united in the Cameroon National Union. In 1985, it became the single party Democratic Rally of the Cameroonian People (CPDM) which has 153 members in 2007. In 1991, the multi partism is established.
Officially, at the date of October 2000, 168 parties have been legalized.
Currently, the Cameroonian political system is dominated by the ruling CPDM. The SDF (Social Democratic Front) led by John Fru Ndi has 16 members in 2007, the UDC (Cameroon Democratic Union) led by Adamou Ndam Njoya, the UNDP (National Union for Democracy and Progress) led by Bello Bouba Maïgari , and the UPC (Union of the Populations of Cameroon) led by Augustin Kodock Fédérick are the main opposition parties.
The main political parties in Cameroon are:
UnionPeople of Cameroon (UPC):
The Union People of Cameroon (UPC) is a Cameroonian political party, founded April 10 of 1948 in a coffee bar in Douala (Bassa) called "At Sierra." Its founders are: Jacques Ngom, Assalé Charles, William Hondt, Joseph Raymond Etoundi Leopold Moume Etia, Yemi George, Theodore Ngosso, William Bagal, Leonardo Bouli, Emmanuel Yap, Jacques-René Bidoum, HR Manga Mado. Ruben Um Nyobe did not taken by
Foundation : The majority of the participants were trade unionists. In many ways UPC was a continuation of the Cameroonian Rally (RACAM). On 11 April 1948 a Provisional Bureau was established. Bouli was elected general secretary, Bagal joint general secretary, Emmanuel Yap the treasurer and J-R Biboum the joint treasurer. The following day the statutes of UPC were deposited at the Mayor's office in Douala at 10.50 am. The group was, however, not legally registered. On April 13 UPC issued its first public declaration of intent, the "Appeal to the Cameroonians".
On May 6 another meeting was held, this time at the residence of Guillaume Bagal in Douala. The statutes and the "Appeal to the Cameroonians" were revised. A new Provisional Bureau was constituted made up of General Secretary: Etienne Libaï; Joint General Secretary: Léonard Bouli; Joint Secretary: Guillaume Bagal; General Treasurer: Emmanuel Yap; Joint Treasurer: Jacques Biboum; Members: Nkoudou Raphaël, Owona Ernest-Marie. On May 14 the revised statues were handed over to the Mayor's office in Douala. On June 9 the authorities allowed the registration of UPC, following pressure from the African Democratic Rally (RDA) and the French Communist Party (PCF).
On 17 June the Provisional Bureau decided the UPC would call itself the "Cameroonian section of RDA", and that the first public function of UPC would be held on 22 June in Douala. The meeting of 22 June was held in the ''Salles de Fêtes'' d'Akwa and was attended by around 500 people. Libaï and Bouli addressed the function. Participatants included Ruben Um Nyobé, Charles Assalé, as well as traditional chiefs such as Ekwalla Essakra and Lobé-Bell. In November Ruben Um Nyobé took charge of the organization as its general secretary after a vote at a meeting of the Provisional Bureau. Before the meeting of the enlarged Provisional Bureau, Léopold Moumé-Etia had been mentioned as another possible candidate for the position, but he declined the nomination on personal grounds. At the second congress of RDA, celebrated in Treichville, Côte d'Ivoire, 1–5 January 1949, membership of the UPC in the RDA was confirmed, and Um Nyobé was elected vice-president of RDA
History and Growth: The national liberation movement had, seven years after its founding in 1955, 460 village committees or neighborhood and 80 000 members, especially on the coast, in the center, south and west, among the Bamileke and Bassa people.
On April 10 of 1950 the enlarged Leading Committee holds a meeting in Dschang. During the course of the meeting a decision is taken to regard the function as the first congress of UPC. The congress lasted until April 13. A new Leading Committee was elected with President: Chief Mathias Djiomessi; General Secretary: Ruben Um Nyobé; Vice-presidents: Guillaume Bagal, Phillipe Essama Essi, Félix Moumié, Samuel Noumouwe and Treasurer: Emmanuel Yap. After the congress Charles Assalé left the movement and joined the procolonial fold. The party published the papers ''La Voix du Cameroun'' (Cameroon's Voice), ''Lumière, Étoile and Vérité'' (Light, Star and Truth)
After trying a parliamentary vote in 1952 without success, the UPC turned to the United Nations, who had the guardianship of Cameroon, to demand independence and reunification. Under the aegis of Ruben Um Nyobé, the Secretary-General, the party requested of the 4th UN General Assembly supervising committee in December 1952:
About the time "(...) ten years preparatory to independence," Ruben Um Nyobe proposed "(...) a school program, that is to say, a program whose execution Cameroonians would receive adequate training in order to take the state charges arising recovery of our sovereignty."From his remarks, it was "(...) to allow the citizens of our country to learn, for a period of time to conduct, under the guidance of a High Commissioner of the United Nations the government of their country "
From 1953, facing increased repression by the colonial power, UPC, especially under the leadership of Dr. Felix Moumie radicalized its modes of political action. According to historian Bernard Droz, China provided the UPC weapons.
Movement in Exile : After the first revolt in May 1955, suppressed by the French colonial auhtority at the time, the party was dissolved by a decree dated 13 July 1955, and its leaders were forced to go into exile in Kumba in the British Southern Cameroons, then in Cairo, Conakry, Accra and Beijing. On 28 January 1956 the UPC presented its position in a declaration to the international press signed by Félix-Roland Moumié (President), Ruben Um Nyobé (Secretary General) and the two Vice-Presidents, Ernest Ouandié and Abel Kingué. They called for reunification of French- and British-administered areas as an independent state
Ruben Um Nyobé was killed in the bush on 13 September 1958. Felix Moumié would be poisoned in Geneva in October 1960, by the French secret service. The UPC continued its armed struggle until the arrest in August 1970 of Ernest Ouandié, who was shot six months later on 15 January 1971. Meanwhile, another leader of UPC, Osendé Afana, was killed in the south-east on 15 March 1966.
Ruben Um NYOBE Renewal
Long remained in hiding, UPC officially resurfaced in 1991 with the return to multiparty politics in Cameroon. Different patterns of movement are created after its renewal and hold conferences, more or less unitary in 1991, 1996, 1998, 2002, 2004 and 2007.
Since his return to the national political scene, it was not until 1997 that UPC has officially a candidate for the presidential election, in the person of Professor Henri Hogbe NLEND, released second behind incumbent President Paul Biya re-elected . A new attempt to nominate a member of the UPC, Dr. Samuel Mack Kit is made in 2004. This application was rejected by the Supreme Court, ostensibly to incomplete application.
The UPC has been elected to parliament and ministers of Cameroon government until 2007.
The Cameroonian Party of Democrats (PDC) (CPD in English) is a Cameroonian government political party in the center of the political spectrum. Louis Tobias Mbida is the president since 1991, following the restoration of multiparty politics in Cameroon. In the long version, the currency of the Cameroonian Party of Democrats is: "Until death, fight for Truth and Justice, and the Lord God will fight for you." The founding fathers of the Democrats Cameroon are:
- André-Marie Mbida: first head of government of Cameroon, the first head of state of East Cameroon, Prime Minister, advisor to the French Union, member of the French National Assembly, Member of Nyong and Sanaga
- Mathias Djoumessi: bamiléké higher Menoua Chief,Minister of the first government of Cameroon, President of KOUMZE,
- Claude Akono: Deputy Speaker of the Legislative Assembly in 1958, Member of Nyong and Sanaga, chairman of the parliamentary group of Democrats Cameroon.
History of PDC
The ALCAM (Legislative Assembly of Cameroon) replaces ATCAM December 23 of 1956, and in May 10 of 1957, André-Marie Mbida (party president) becomes the Prime Minister and the first head of state of independent Cameroon (with government, an anthem, flag and currency). He was elected by 56 votes for, 10 votes against and 4 abstentions
- Prime Minister, Head of Government: André-Marie Mbida
- Vice Premier (Inside): Ahmadou Ahidjo
- Minister of State in charge of reserved Affairs and Education: Mathias Djoumessi
- Minister of Health: Haman Adama
- Minister of Agriculture: Alfred Mandon
- Minister of Finance: Njoya Arouna
- Minister of Labour and Social Legislation: MARIGOH Mboua
- Economic Affairs Minister Pierre Kotouo
- Minister of Transport and Mines: Michel Njine
- Minister of Education: Vincent Ahanda
- Secretary of State for the Interior Antoine Logmo
- Secretary of State for the Budget: François Biyo'o Olinga
- Secretary of State for Agriculture: Talba Malla
- Secretary of State for Information: Gaston Medou
- Secretary of State for Public Service: Germain Tsalla Mekongo
André-Marie MBIDA proclaims the internal autonomy of East Cameroon
Creation
The actual creation of the Cameroonian Party of Democrats (until then parliamentary group in the ALCAM) with the election of the Executive Committee - the adoption of a political agenda - a motto (simplified version): "God - Fatherland - justice - Equality "- an emblem of the" rooster vigilant and courageous " (used since the election of the Palais Bourbon front of Louis Paul Aujoulat) takes place in Abong-Mbang January 12, 1958. In 1991, this motto has evolved: "God - Fatherland - Justice - Democracy."
The founding membersof the PDC
- André-Marie Mbida: Prime Minister, Head of Government, a member of Nyong and Sanaga
- Claude Akono: Deputy Speaker of the Legislative Assembly, Member of Nyong and Sanaga
- Vincent Ahanda: Minister of Education, a member of Nyong and Sanaga
- Paul Amougou Nguele: Vice-President of the Agriculture Committee in the Legislative Assembly, Member of Nyong and Sanaga
- Bernard Banag: Secretary to the Legislative Assembly, Member of the Sanaga-Maritime
- François Biyoo Olinga: Secretary of State for Finance, Deputy Nyong and Sanaga
- Antoine Logmo: Secretary of State for the Interior, Member of the Sanaga-Maritime
- Jean Baptiste Mabaya Vice-Speaker of the Legislative Assembly Member of the Upper Nyong
- Blaise Manga Bile: member of the Finance Committee, Member of Nyong and Sanaga
- Marcel Marigoh Mboua: Minister of Labour and Social Law, a member of Nyong and Sanaga
- René Mindjos: Secretary to the Legislative Assembly, member of the Finance Committee, Member of Boumba-and-Ngoko
- Gabriel Ndibo Mbarsola: member of the board of the Great Work, a member of Lom and Kadeï
- Médard Ngaba Ndzana: quaestor in the Legislature, a member of Nyong and Sanaga
- Pierre Ninekam: Secretary to the Legislative Assembly, Member of Upper Nyong
- Germain Tsala Mekongo: Secretary of State for Public Service, a member of Nyong and Sanaga
- Joseph Yakana: member of the Committee on Administrative Affairs, Member of Mbam
Members of the Executive Committee after the founding congress:
- André-Marie Mbida: General President
- Mathias Djoumessi: Vice President
- Gabriel Ndibo Mbarsola: Vice President
- Tobias Nana: Secretary General
- Joseph Yakana: Assistant Secretary General
- Paul Amougou Nguele: General Treasurer
- Blaise Manga Bile: Auditor
Highlights
February 16 of 1958 by a forced passage wisely orchestrated by Jean Ramadier, French High Commissioner of the State of Cameroon under UN trusteeship, Ahidjo broke down André-Marie Mbida government by resigning with all ministers of the North region loyal to him. He replaces André-Marie Mbida head of government February 18 of 1958. In fact, it is not the resignation of Ahidjo which broke down the Mbida government, but the High Commissioner Jean Ramadier that does not respect the prerogatives of the Prime Minister. In the statutes of the autonomous state of French-speaking Cameroon, a high commissioner may by no means dismiss a Prime Minister from office. Or as Jean Ramadier wants the "head" of Mbida, he will generate the filing of motions of censure against the government give some banknotes 200 000 FCFA to parliamentarians who gang up against Mbida then refuse to endorse contempt texts changes in government after Ahidjo’s resignation of the parliamentary coalition. February 15 Mbida broke his membership with the Socialist Group SFIO and he resigned as Prime Minister on February 18. It is very unfortunate to note that unlawful acts by Jean Ramadier are not interested in competition policy of the Prime Minister. Only count his departure and the prospect of replacement. On 15 February, Mbida breaks his kinship with the SFIO. After his resignation as Prime Minister, his party enters the parliamentary opposition. Prime Minister Ahmadou Ahidjo form a coalition government with the Independent Peasants Njine Michel and Charles Assalé MANC, excluding Cameroon Democrats, also his former partners. It integrates individually Charles Okala Cameroonian Socialist Party and Pierre Ninekan (ex Democrats Cameroon)
One dayin the history of Cameroon
Referendum ofFebruary 21 of 1960: In the month of February 1960 with the Act of 31 October 1959 the edges of the new Republic of Cameroon were initiated. The vote of the General Assembly of the United Nations authorizing release unconditionally the tutelage of France in Cameroon and the full powers granted to Ahmadou Ahidjo despite strong opposition from Daniel Kemajou and Cameroonians Democrats such as Tsalla Mekongo Germain, Akono Claude and Joseph Yakana. The Ahidjo government will organize without any control and at will the future elections in which the referendum of 21 February 1960. The referendum was to Ahmadou Ahidjo an ordeal.
The government in 1960 was in the hands of the Cameroon Union established on 2 May 1958 in Garoua. The unpopular and virtually unknown to the rest of the outside of the North Country Cameroon Union, had few supporters in Cameroon. Besides the traditional opposition of the UPC, the Ahidjo government also in front of him a bastion of Southern Cameroon controlled by an active and severe opposition led by the Cameroonian Party of Democrats (PDC) André-Marie Mbida. The Ahidjo government since October 1959, had been allowed to install a climate of conflict in the country. After the proclamation of independence on 1 January 1960, the vote of February 21, 1960 appeared to be a real test of popularity for the Ahidjo government.
On 21 February 1960, 1 771 969 Cameroonians registered voters on electoral rolls had to say Yes or No, and whether they agreed that the first constitution of Cameroon was modeled on that of the Fifth French Republic. However, the real surprise was caused by the affirmative vote of Bamiléké department. The victory of "Yes" in this troubled area by the UPC rebellion marked the breakthrough of the Cameroon Union in the highlands of the West.
However, the large southern Cameroon under the instigation of the Democrats Camerounians Party (PDC) of André Marie Mbida had overwhelmingly voted "No" and stirring up trouble and serious doubt on the value of the 1960 Constitution.
The Ahidjo government won only thanks to the votes of northern Cameroon. Thus, Prime Minister Ahidjo lost its political challenge. Of the twenty-one departments, which also corresponded to constituencies ten had a massive negative vote and eight were registered as a high rate of abstentions. If the Prime Minister Ahidjo stoically admitted the negative vote in the departments of South Cameroon under the influence of Cameroon Democrats of former Prime Minister André-Marie Mbida it was difficult to understand the rejection of the constitution in the Mungo and Wouri. Moreover, Ahmadou Ahidjo had understood that the massive non Cameroonians sanctioned policy choices that had been his since February 18 of 1958. Therefore it is legitimate to ask whether Ahmadou Ahidjo in these conditions could continue to lead the country with only the support of one third (1/3) of the population and if he would introduce regionalization of power as envisaged in the constitution? The independent Cameroon will be born in dubious circumstances which shows nothing positive for the future of the Cameroonian nation. André-Marie Mbida will establish the State of Cameroon 10 May 1957 while Ahmadou Ahidjo attempt to promote the Cameroonian nation as of 1 January 1960.
April 10 of 1960 legislatives : In Decree No. 60-50 of 4 March 1960 on the allocation of seats in the National Assembly, the Prime Minister Ahmadou Ahidjo credits northern Cameroon from 44 seats to 56 against the rest of the country (Great South), including 14 for Bamileke and 12 for Nyong and Sanaga. The results are very controversial in the deep south because of the strong presence of Democrats in this part of the territory:
- The Cameroonian Party of Democrats officially collects 12 seats Nyong-and-Sanaga and lost 8 seats compared to the previous legislature.
- The Union population of Cameroon (UPC) collects eight seats.
- Progressive (formerly MANC) collect seven seats, and Paul Soppo Priso is officially defeated in the riding of Wuri I by Alexandre Ndumb'a Duala.
- The Union of Cameroonian Ahidjo officially collected 51 seats.
- Alexander Ndumb'a Duala, Marcel Bebey Eyidi and Hans Dissaké are without labels.
During the first term, the Cameroonian Union, the Popular Front for the unity and peace and the progressives formed the parliamentary majority. This allows Ahmadou Ahidjo being elected President of the Republic on 5 May 1960.
Federallegislation of April 1964
Under the transitional provisions of the Constitution Act of 1 September 1961, the first federal elections are held April 26 of 1964 across the country. The alliance UC-KNDP presents unique lists in all six constituencies in Cameroon (North - Central South - West - East - Coast - Western Cameroon), with the exception of Nyong-and-Sanaga where it faces the PDC and western Cameroon.
Marguerite Mbida 36 years old, mother of four children: Therese 10 years, Louis Tobie 8 years, Alphonse 5 years and Paul 2 years, wife of political prisoner Mbida sentenced to three years in prison, will appear as the head of the list PDC in these elections. The PDC is the only political party who dared to attend the election of sad memory.
The Cameroonian opinion leaders of that time are either in exile or in prison. At his side and on the same list, Marguerite Mbida Mbida gathered Germain Tsalla Mekongo, Paul Amougou Nguele, Claude Akono, Elias Tsoungui, Blaise Manga Bile, Eugene Nogo, Jean Ayissi Ntsama, Barnabe Mballa, Pierre Savom, Solomon Zé Zo'o, Max Abe, Antoine Bounoungou, Tobias Nana.
The results of these elections according to reliable sources give a massive victory at PDC in what was then called the Nyong-and-Sanaga. Their electoral victory they will be confiscated in the name of national unity and of the single party in the making. Officially, Cameroon Democrats realize a score of 25% of the vote (or 129 517 votes against 388 594 votes in the UC-KNPD ??list) according to territorial administration and the public service. The parallel vote count, conducted by the weekly Effort Cameroon in 21 of the 22 polling stations and published in No. 440, attributed the victory to the list of Democrats with 174 516 votes cast against 50 245 votes cast for the UC-KNDP list.
Throughout the Nyong and Sanaga: from Bertoua to Abong Mbang with men like Benjamin Moud, to Mbalmayo political stronghold Paul Amougou Nguele in Ebolowa at Ntsam Zo'o of Nko'ovos in Yaounde at Jean Ayissi Ntsama that transformed Mvog Mbi in neighborhood "Katanga" through Obala, Saa, Nlong Bon at chief’s Mvilongo Nomo ONGUENE and Okola, voters will refuse PDC’s victory is stolen from them this election.
This political loyalty irritates the Federal President Ahmadou Ahidjo who had yet achieved, in January 1964 a triumphant tour in the department where he declared January 12 of 1964, before the impressive and enthusiastic crowds "About your vote against the referendum (...) If people Mbalmayo or elsewhere had voted against the constitution, it is because they were led by bad shepherds. I understand they have followed the advice in good faith demagogues and jealous. I never doubted your wisdom. I knew you would end up understanding, that you would end up rejecting the demagogues, by joining us for fraternally we build a united nation, a prosperous nation. For others, you qualify to be wrong, in my opinion, Democrats - they have nothing Democrat - and I call on me, sorcerer's apprentice, apprentice dictators, I think it's doing them too honor to speak at length about them. The people understood, especially the people of Nyong-and-Sanaga understood. I have no doubt about it. For three or four days, I travel this department, I saw with my own eyes that the people understood. (...) And as I said yesterday, I know that the people of Nyong-and-Sanaga and elsewhere before long in the shadow definitely reject the bad shepherds, we will no longer hear about them, except, as I have said elsewhere, in prison, if they do not respect the laws and regulations of the Republic. Yes they talk about dictatorship. For them, democracy is for the sub-prefects, to let touring from hut to hut and subvert. (...) We will always fight subversion, the order was given to all officials authority to combat subversion where it comes from. (...) "
This is the last public act of resistance to the project of hegemonic party UC-KNDP tolerated under Ahidjo. The federal government will get the police in the villages. At Essong, Etong Bidjoé, Endama, Endinding, Efok, Elig Mfomo, Batchenga, Saa, Talla, Itaka Nkengue, Mebomo, Evodoula, Obala Lebamzip, Bikogo, Ngog Saa, Nlong Well, Nkol-feb, Nkometou , Nanga Eboko Ezezang, Ayos Doumé, Yokadouma Etetak, Nkol Bisson, Nkol Nkoumou, Lebot, Afan-Oyo-Nkol Avolo, Mfou Nkoa-Abang, Mbankolo, Oliga, Ozom, Lobo, Mbalmayo Ngomedzap we can not name them all. Arms are pulled to the police by people with bare hands. Activists PDC will then massively deported to the infamous concentration camps of Mantoum, Tcholliré and Mokolo.
The irredentist populations and elites of this district is assented to 24th June 1964 by the explosion of Nyong-and-Sanaga in 5 departments to design sub-administration of the department because of its vast territory and its population density:
- Haute-Sanaga, Nnanga Eboko
- Nyong-and-Mfoumou, Akonolinga
- Nyong-and-So'o, Mbalmayo
- Lékié, Monatélé
- Mefou, Yaoundé
The irreducible gap between President Ahidjo and Democrats supporters continues through sanctions: the ex-Nyong and Sanaga only has now a single representative in the federal government on 1 July 1964. We must now make the project authority of the single party
September 1st of 1966, the birth of the Cameroon National Union (CNU) and the prohibition of multi-party forced to cease operations after its leader was placed under house arrest. PDC refused to integrate with the UNC. Many activists of the PDC will be incarcerated following the house arrest August 3 of 1968 of their leader André Marie Mbida in Yaounde. All direct employees, men and women of the house Mbida be imprisoned without trial in Mantoum, Tcholliré and Mokolo for periods ranging from 6 to 8 years of imprisonment.
After there-legalization in 1991
Louis Tobias Mbida became president and the party will have to face new challenges: "Making Cameroonian being citizen, improve the living conditions of Cameroonians, make Cameroon a land of prosperity with credible institutions, led by men and women freely chosen by the people who have made ??democracy a priesthood, a principle of freedom and progress are an objective and universal issues. I believe in democracy and I was honest in this ocean of shame because I've lived in the same chair the throes of arbitrariness and dictatorship. "
In 1991, the Democratic Party is limited by the weakness of its structures. Unlike the Union Population of Cameroon (UPC), the party is born on a pile of ashes. With the exception of its acronym, its emblem and its motto, everything is to rebuild. The party does not have sufficient financial means to build the basic infrastructure and logistics to carry out a campaign at the national level. Its president is young, he lives modestly in the former residence of his father in Mbankolo, a suburb of Yaounde. Nevertheless, in response to the national and international press on "the current problems facing the Cameroon," he says: "The PDC rejects (...) attempting ideological leveling the opposition, it does not want to have fought the single party output to merge with a single opposition party. While the objectives remain common, the way forward must be to own each party politician "
Thetripartite meeting
Weeks before, in June 1991, President Biya said that "sovereign national conference is irrelevant" and that he will discuss the point with the Cameroonian opposition as it will not go to the polls.
PDC, under the aegis of the President will attend meetings of the coordination of "political parties and associations" at the invitation of Dr. Victorin Hameni Bieleu President UFDC. But after participating in three of the meetings of the "Coordination" in Bamenda in May 1991, in June 1991 in Douala and Yaounde in July 1991, the party will dissociate themselves from the "Coordination" for incompatibility of choice and methods of political struggle.
Louis Tobias Mbida created with master Guillaume Apollinaire Nseth and Celestin Bedzigui ORD (Opposition Republican and Democratic). Negotiations between the ORD, the Prime Minister Sadou Hayatou, Jacques Fame Ndongo and Pierre Moukoko Mbonjo will lead to an invitation to meet with the Head of State of Cameroon, Paul Biya.
On 19 July 1991, Louis Tobie Mbida and all politicians of the ORD will meet each with President Paul Biya, but the leaders of the "so-called radical opposition" refused to participate in these interviews. Interviews with President Biya in July 1991 will implement the Tripartite Meeting. The "Tripartite Meeting" initiate the electoral law that prevails even today in Cameroon. Agreements on the basis of consensus will be achieved and in 1992, when the first multiparty elections in Cameroon, the PDC supports the candidacy of Paul Biya (CPDM candidate - former UNC).
But as soon as the volatile political situation in the 1990 off, as soon as the ‘’dead cities’’ initiated by Mboua Massock interrupted, President Paul Biya and his team will be eager to forget the political agreements and promises of both socio-economic improvement as administrative and policies against Cameroon.
PDC estimates, taking into account the Cameroonian political situation after 1991, the Tripartite Meeting has been a missed appointment with history. The hopes raised by this meeting will disappear under the political behavior of the Head of State of Cameroon Paul Biya who held no political promises given after consensual agreements reached during the tripartite between 30 October 1991 and 13 November 1991.
PDC is demonstrated by the attack made ??on young and old Cameroon in February 2008 because they were protesting against the "cost of living" and for the arbitrary modification by the Head of State Paul Biya of Article 6 Cameroon's Constitution promulgated on 18 January 1996, knowing that the Constitution was one of the promises of the "tripartite meeting." The "presidential term limits" in accordance with Article 6 of the Constitution of 18 January 1996 which should have effect from 2011 and will be changed to the current Head of State Paul Biya can recur.
Under a front multi-party reported by the legalization of more than 160 political parties in Cameroon, the monolithic regime installed after obtaining the full powers granted to the President Ahmadou Ahidjo in October 29 of 1959 continued under the auspices of the UC , the UNC and the CPDM. This is the same political party that made ??a grooming policy name but has never denied his fascist and totalitarian doctrine as he himself admits in a pamphlet written in August 1961 and served as a basis for work training of frames of the CPU. To reinforce this monolithic fascist vision of politics in Cameroon, frames of CPDM have been to a training course in China in 2008. The concepts of squads and sections are borrowed from fascist regimes such as the CPU recognizes himself who became UNC today and DPRK since March 24 of 1985 in Bamenda.
Electionsandelectoral fraud
Despite the known risks of electoral fraud and manipulation of the election results, the party was involved in:
- the 1992 parliamentary elections
- the municipal elections of 1996
- the 1997 legislative elections
According to the Cameroonian Party of Democrats and its leader, electoral fraud, corruption and political lies in Cameroon are the key drivers of the process of power, these are the only springs that allow the ruling party and its leader, President Paul Biya, to hold it in place at the expense of the legitimate aspirations of Cameroonians in terms of:
- wellness
- improvement of their living conditions
- establishing credible republican institutions
- achievements of public investment projects that create wealth and job creators
- industrialization of Cameroon
- the establishment of highways and roads
- schools, colleges, high schools and universities
- regional hospitals, county and district
- illness coverage
- the multiplication of water supply
- electrification by various methods
- the installation of the "information superhighway" in terms of networks and other
- "spots" internets in Cameroon
- facilitation and encouragement of private initiative generating goods and able to reduce unemployment among young and old alike
- development of arts and culture
- the development of sports.
Onthe rural exodus, immigration and claims
Here's what you can read in the texts of the party and its leader different interventions: "The rural exodus of the 1970s and 1980s saw the move of Cameroonians from villages and countryside to cities, has succeeded mass immigration to Europe and the United States of America. The Cameroon these twenty past seven years, through neglect and incompetence in managing its human resources has forced many Cameroonian voluntary exile. "
"The terms Cameroonian Diaspora today cover a socio-political reality that the Cameroonian authorities are struggling to identify, manage and control especially. The "Cameroonian Diaspora" is as much a socio-economic force whose potential scare the Cameroonian government in terms of empowerment of accomplishments and resolutions everyday problems of families, which remained in the country of Cameroon. "This is the one who decides who pays" the Cameroonian government has understood this truth even if has not yet made ??its way in the diaspora whose political cohesion that is being structured. "
"The disastrous and predatory practices of the ruling party, who always behaves as a single party since 1960 have been erected into a system of political management in Cameroon Nation. The Cameroonian Party of Democrats (PDC) with other political forces in the nation struggle to finally make each Cameroonians a real citizens, PDC wants to create a new couple: one between the state and the citizen, a State "accomplice" of citizen, a citizen of the State Counsel, a state partner of the citizen, a united state citizen, a State - dare we say - will finally be the friend of the citizen versus the state colonial oppressor and disrespectful who built humiliation and disdain management system designated as indigenous people and other indigenous and oppositon the State party UC / UNC / CPDM arrogant, contemptuous, refusing any open dialogue, the State party UC / UNC / exclusive DPRK, ostracizing, totalitarian, arbitrary to be crushed "Cameroonians" in corruption, coercion and fear of voter fraud for decades. "
"The essential political struggle in Cameroon in 2009 is that of the establishment of democracy through free and fair elections. Cameroon has the need for it to be accepted by all credible elections for clear rules. "
"The international community can not remain deaf to these claims. Cameroon as all countries living in the shadow of anti-democratic regimes need the help of "old democracies."
"To each of us his Munich could be reported here and should be remembered here: each nation smoldering in his bosom his Catiline, Paul Biya is in Cameroon today our Catiline. Our duty now as Cameroon is becoming all Ciceron and say to this man: "Quo usque tandem abutere, Catiline patientia nostra? quam diu etiam furor iste Tuus our eludet? quem ad finem sese effrenata iactabit audacia?" For how long will you keep on indulge and abuse of our patience, Catiline? How much longer will we be the plaything of your wrath? far to carry your unbridled audacity? Paraphrasing Ciceron might ask: "How much you abuse it our patience, President Paul Biya’’.
Cameroon People's Democratic Movement
The Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM, French: Rassemblement démocratique du Peuple Camerounais, RDPC) is the ruling political party in Cameroon. Previously known as the Cameroon National Union, which had dominated Cameroon politics since independence in 1960, it was renamed in 1985. The National President of the CPDM is Paul Biya, the President of Cameroon while the Secretary-General of the RDPC's Central Committee is Jean Nkuete
Paul Biya 
Jean Nkuete
History
The CPDM won 88 out of 180 seats in the National Assembly of Cameroon in the March 1992 parliamentary election, and through an alliance with the Movement for the Defense of the Republic (MDR), All which won six seats, it has Obtained parliamentary majority.Biya subsequently won the October 1992 presidential election with about 40% of the vote, ahead of John Fru Ndi of the Social Democratic Front (SDF), who won about 36%. The CPDM Gained 116 of the 180 seats in the May 1997 parliamentary election (INITIALLY it won 109 seats, aim it subsequently won in the three constituencies Where the election was Held over again in August, Gaining seven more seats) and in the October 1997 presidential election, Biya received 92.6% of the vote amidst an opposition boycott. Held in the parliamentary election on 30 June 2002, the party won 149 seats out of 180, Including 16 seats won in a revote on 15 September for the election constituencies Where HAD beens Invalidated. Held in the presidential election on 11 October 2004, Biya won 70.9% of the vote.
The CPDM won 140 out of the 163 seats INITIALLY Declared in the July 2007 parliamentary election, and it won Reviews another 13 seats (out of 17 at stake) Where the vote in constituencies was Held over again in September, Malthus winning a total of 153 seats
The party Held icts first ordinary congress, at All which Biya Told the party to prepare for competition as the move Toward Beginning multiparty democracy was, on June 28, 1990 in Yaounde. The CPDM's first extraordinary congress was Held in Yaounde on October 7, 1995 and Its second ordinary congress was Held on December 17-19, 1996. The party Held icts second extraordinary congress on July 7, 200and icts third extraordinary congress on July 21, 2006 in Yaoundé.Biya has-beens Consistently re-Elected as the CPDM's National President.
CPDM logo
The Social Democratic Front (French: Front Social-Démocratique) is the main opposition party of Cameroon. It is led by Ni John Fru Ndi and receives significant support from the Anglophone regions of the western part of the country.
Ni John Fru Ndi
The SDF was launched in Bamenda on May 26, 1990 in opposition to the ruling Cameroon People's Democratic Movement; following the launching rally, six people were killed by security forces. The party held its Constitutive Assembly on February 3, 1991 and elected its National Executive Committee.The party refused to sign the Tripartite Declaration of November 1991, and it chose to boycott the March 1992 parliamentary election, along with the Democratic Union of Cameroon, due to the government's failure to meet opposition demands, which included the establishment of an independent electoral commission to oversee the election. However, the party announced at its May 1992 national convention that it would take part in the presidential election later that year. Fru Ndi, the SDF candidate in the October 1992 presidential election, received about 36% of the vote against about 40% for incumbent President Paul Biya, according to official results. The SDF believes he was denied victory "at gunpoint". He has now been largely criticized in the national press for moving residence to Yaoundé
The SDF won 43 seats in the National Assembly in the May 1997 parliamentary election, Receiving its best results in Northwest Province, Where It won 19 seats out of 20, it has won aussi majorité of seats in West Province, with 15 out of 25. It something to boycott the October 1997 presidential election, along with the National Union for Democracy and Progress (UNDP) and the Cameroon Democratic Union (UDC). In the June 2002 parliamentary election, the SDF won 22 seats, it won one of thesis seats in a revote held-for-some constituencies on 15 September. Altho the party lost seats Nearly half icts in the 2002 election, it still Dominated in Northwest Province, Where it again won 19 out of 20 seats
Held in the presidential election on 11 October 2004, Fru Ndi Stood again as the SDF candidate and won 17.4% of the vote According to official results, Biya far behind. In the July 2007 parliamentary election, the SDF won 14 out of the 163 seats Declared INITIALLY, and it has won two further Top seats (out of 17 at stake) in constituencies Where the election was Held over again in September, winning a total of Malthus 16 out of 180 seats. These additional seats crucial Were, Because The SDF Could not form a parliamentary group Unless It Had at least 15 seats. The party's electoral success Remained Largely confined to the Northwest Province, Where it has again won majorité of seats, with 11 out of 20.
The SDF has Strongly Opposed constitutional amendment Allowing Biya to run for President again in 2011. Its Deputies boycotted the parliamentary vote in April 2008 All which the amendment was approved, and it subsequently called Expired for a "day of mourning" in All which People were to wear black and stay home.
One key alliance betweens is the SDF and the female Takembeng Mobilizations. These women Provide protection for homeless Officials and a key presence at SDF demonstrations.
The party is a full member of the Socialist International
Social Democratic Front logo
Cameroon Democratic Union
The Cameroon Democratic Union (French: Cameroon Democratic Union) is a political party in Cameroon. It was founded by Adamou Ndam Njoya, a form Minister of National Education under President Ahmadou Ahidjo.
Adamou Ndam Njoya
The CDU boycotted the March 1992 parliamentary election, along with the Social Democratic Front (SDF) due to the government's failure to meet opposition DEMANDS, All which included the establishment of an independent electoral commission to Oversee the election. In the May 1997 parliamentary election, the UDC won five seats, all of them in Noun Department in the West Province. It then boycotted the October 1997 presidential election, along with the Social Democratic Front (SDF) and the National Union for Democracy and Progress (UNDP).
Held in the parliamentary election on 30 June and 15 September 2002, the UDC won five seats, all in Noun Department, out of 180 seats nationwide. Adamou Ndam Njoya and John Fru Ndi failed to agree on the appointment of an all-single opposition candidate for the presidential election of October 11, 2004. As a result, Ndam Njoya Represented a coalition of political parties the Coalition for National Reconciliation and Reconstruction, and Placed third in the final ballot count, winning 4.47% (168.318 votes).
Njoya was re-Elected for Reviews another five-year term as Chairman at a CDU party congress in Yaounde, Attended by about 3,000 delegate access, on 30 November to 2 December 2006. There was no challenger for the position
The UDC won four out of the 163 seats in the INITIALLY Declared July 2007 parliamentary election, it won all four of These seats in the constituency Noun Centre, Where The Party received 58.28% of the vote. The UDC About did not gain any seats in the partial election, Held in September, for 17 seats initial Where Were the results annulled.
At the time of the 2007 election, the CDU Formed an alliance with the Progressive Movement (MP) of Jean-Jacques Ekindi, Agreeing not to run candidates in the constituency Wouri Centre, Where the MP was competing
UDC logo
National Union For Democracy and Progress (UDPS)
The National Union for Democracy and Progress (French: National Union for Democracy and Progress) is a political party in Cameroon, drawing icts hand holder from the north of the country. It was Established as an opposition party in the early 1990s and won the second large largest number of seats in the 1992 parliamentary election. The UNDP's National President is Maigari Bello Bouba Currently Have you is a Minister of State in the government.
Maigari Bello Bouba
On May 25, 1990, former Prime Minister Maigari Bello Bouba, then in exile, announced the formation of a new party, the National Union for Democracy and Progress in Cameroon, in Paris. The party was officially established in Cameroon, as the National Union for Democracy and Progress, at a meeting in Douala on February 9 of 1991. A request for the legalization of the party was filed on February 18, and it was accordingly legalized on March 25 of 1991. Bello Bouba returned to Cameroon on August 17 of 1991. The UNDP's First Ordinary Congress, at which the party's leadership and the membership of its organs was elected, was held on January 4–5 of 1992 in Garoua. At the Congress, Bello Bouba became President of the UNDP, ousting its previous leader, Samuel Eboua. Eboua subsequently left the UNDP and formed the Movement for Democracy and Progress (MDP). The UNDP is considered by many, including the party itself, to represent the legacy of Ahmadou Ahidjo, who was President of Cameroon from 1960 to 1982
Although the UNDP initially agreed to boycott the 1992 parliamentary election, along with the Social Democratic Front and Cameroon Democratic Union, it ultimately decided to participate. In the election, which was held on March 1 of 1992, the UNDP put forward complete candidate lists in 45 of the 49 constituencies (for 167 seats) and won a total of 68 out of 180 seats in the National Assembly of Cameroon. The party performed most strongly in the north, where it won all 12 seats in North Province and all ten seats in Adamawa Province; it also fared well in Southwest Province, where it won 13 of the 15 seats, and in West Province, where it won a slight majority of the available seats (13 out of 25). The UNDP's performance made it the second largest party in the National Assembly, behind only the ruling Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (RDPC), which won 88 seats; it also became the only opposition party in the National Assembly when the other two opposition parties, the Movement for the Defense of the Republic (MDR) and the Union of the Peoples of Cameroon (UPC), allied with the RDPC. Two of the UNDP deputies also allied with the RDPC
In the presidential election held on October 11 of 1992, Bello Bouba placed third, behind President Paul Biya and Social Democratic Front (SDF) candidate John Fru Ndi, receiving 19.2% of the vote. He disputed the official results which proclaimed Biya the winner, saying that Fru Ndi had actually won, and he strongly opposed the appointment of two UNDP members, Hamadou Moustapha and Issa Tchiroma, to the government by Biya in November 1992. Despite being denounced by the party for accepting the appointments, Moustapha and Tchiroma were not immediately expelled from it; however, after they again accepted positions in the government in a July 1994 cabinet reshuffle, Bello Bouba said on July 23 that this would mean the end of their membership in the UNDP. They challenged this, but they were expelled by the party's central committee in January 1995.
The UNDP held its Second Ordinary Congress on January 3–5 of 1997 in Ngaoundéré. In the parliamentary election held on May 17 of 1997, the UNDP won 13 seats. It participated in the opposition boycott, based on the lack of an independent electoral commission, of the October 1997 presidential election, which was easily won by Biya. Nevertheless, Bello Bouba accepted an appointment to the government following Biya's victory
The UNDP won only one seat in the June 2002 parliamentary election, that of Amadou Mohaman in Mayo-Oula constituency in North Province. Bello Bouba criticized this election as a "farce", alleging that low voter registration was used to rig the election in favor of the RDPC; some party members, however, reportedly attributed the UNDP's poor performance to disapproval of its cooperation with the RDPC in the government. Some party members wanted Bello Bouba to leave the government after the 2002 election and for the UNDP to join the broader opposition, but he chose to remain, despite dissent within the party
Acting without Bello Bouba's approval, UNDP Vice-President Célestin Bedzigui held discussions with SDF Vice-Chairman Maïdadi Saïdou in 2002 about how to achieve democratic change in Cameroon. Bedzigui also opposed the RDPC-UNDP government platform. Accusing Bedzingui of acting contrary to the party's decisions, Bello Bouba notified Bedzingui of his expulsion from the UNDP on August 4 of 2004. Bedzigui in turn declared that Bello Bouba was expelled from the party on August 8
The UNDP backed Biya in the October 2004 presidential election; Bello Bouba said that, although parties are created to win power, it is not necessary for them to participate in every election, and the UNDP supported Biya for the sake of continued peace and economic growth.
In the July 2007 parliamentary election, the UNDP won four of the initially declared 163 seats, and it won a further two seats (out of 17 at stake) in constituencies where the election was held over again in September, thus winning a total of six out of 180 seats.
Bello Bouba was re-elected as UNDP President at a party congress in Bertoua on January 20–21, 2007. Speaking on February 14, 2009, Bello Bouba defended the UNDP's participation in the government, saying that its participation gave it the opportunity to directly work for the benefit of the country in a way that would not be possible if it merely criticized the government from the outside
Alliance for Democracy and Development
The Alliance for Democracy and Development (French: Alliance pour la Démocratie et le Développement) is a minor political party in Cameroon. At the presidential elections, 11 October 2004, its candidate, Garga Haman Adji, won 3.7% of the vote.
Garga Haman Adji
Originally called the Alliance for Democracy and Progress, it was legally recognized on 4 June 1991
Southern Cameroon national council
The Southern Cameroons national council is a political party advocating secession Anglophone Cameroon Anglophone Cameroon and the creation of the independent state of Ambazonia.
October 1 of each year, the anniversary of the reunification of Cameroon, supporters of Southern Cameroon National council express their disapproval of the event. These events are regularly banned by the government.
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